Hungary's far-right faces hard slog despite prospect of winning town halls
By Marton Dunai
TISZAVASVARI
Hungary (Reuters) - Hungary's far-right Jobbik party is on track to take
over dozens of city halls in a municipal election on Sunday, handing it
new powers that, critics say, it will use to persecute ethnic
minorities.
Already the second biggest force in parliament, Jobbik is one of
Europe's most influential far-right parties. Its rise has drawn
international concern, notably when one of its lawmakers suggested that
lists of Jews should be drawn up -- a comment for which he later
apologized, saying he had been misunderstood.
But the experience in one town where Jobbik is already in
power is that even the most hardline agenda ends up running aground in
the swamp of budget shortfalls, petty squabbles and failed schemes that
make up local politics in Hungary.
Erik Fulop, the 32-year-old Jobbik activist who since 2010
has been mayor of Tiszavasvari, came to power on a promise to tackle
"Gypsy crime" -- a rallying call for Jobbik supporters who resent
Hungary's large and mainly poor Roma minority.
But two years after he took office, the local militia he
created to implement that promise -- made up of 10 men, two cars and an
electric scooter -- had to abandon its patrols because he ran out of money to fund it.
For the town's
Roma, many of whom live in a slum of mud huts where half-naked children
play in a trash-strewn ditch, the budget shortfall meant at least they
did not have to add harassment by a far-right militia to their list of
problems.
"There's been no trouble so far, thank God... there's been nothing,"
Andras Rezmuves, a 40-year-old Roma man, said in the slum, known to
locals as Narrow Street.
A think tank, Political Capital, forecasts that in Sunday's
election Jobbik has a good chance of winning in 41 municipalities -- out
of 3,200 in Hungary -- where it came a close second in this year's
parliamentary election. Those places include Miskolc, Hungary's
second-biggest city.
Yet to date, Jobbik has been a party of opposition, with
eye-catching and divisive policies, tough rhetoric, and little to show
how it would behave if it won real power.
It has insisted that Roma would not be persecuted on its
watch, pledging in its election program a "color-blind" crackdown on
crime and a nuanced approach toward minority issues.
RED MUD
Tiszavasvari, a town of 13,000 and by far the largest
Jobbik-controlled municipality, is the nearest thing the party has to a
track record.
In the four years since Fulop took
office, there has been little lasting improvement in the lives of the
town's Roma. One initiative to help turned into a farce.
Zsolt Raduly, a deputy principal at a local school, said
the town authorities filled potholes in the slum neighborhoods with red
brick dust from a nearby factory.
"The first winter washed out all of it," said Raduly, who
ran unsuccessfully against the Jobbik mayor. "The Roma called it the red
mud disaster. Their shoes were all red, so were cars that passed
through there. It was a slum stigma."
Asked by
Reuters about the Roma community, Fulop said he had an action plan to
improve conditions for people living in the slums. "But we also demand
that they conform to the minimal rules of coexistence," he said.
"Improving the living standards for Gypsies is primarily a
state function... Municipalities, mayors are just cogs in a machine -
but of course we try to do the best we can."
The mayor's record has been mixed on another part of his manifesto: bringing jobs and investment to Tiszavasvari, about 200 km (125 miles) east of Budapest..
A list of European-funded projects on the town's web site shows Jobbik secured 170 million forints ($700,000) for education, 160 million forints for drains and about 100 million forints to fix up the municipal building.
The mayor
had pledged to invigorate the local economy through international
business ties to countries like Iran, China and Turkey.
All that has materialized so far on that front are a
handful of symbolic twinning agreements with foreign towns, and a
half-finished upgrade at a factory owned by a local businessmen that won
new business from Iran and added a few dozen extra jobs.
Another mundane detail of local politics -- infighting -- grew so
bad the Jobbik-led administration dissolved itself in 2012, though it
won the subsequent election and so held on to power.
Despite the missteps, the mayor is still popular. A straw
poll Reuters conducted among residents suggests Fulop has a good chance
of winning a new term in Sunday's vote.
The Socialist opposition is so weak it has not fielded
candidates in the town, and Jobbik strikes a chord with voters as the
only party proposing to solve the "Roma issue", even if experience shows
it is not that simple.
"Erik may have a hard time bringing jobs to everyone but if he
doesn't get support from the powers that be, he really cannot be
blamed," Julianna Kiss, a 54 year-old hairdresser, said of the mayor.
"I'll stick with Jobbik."
(Editing by Christian Lowe and Mark Trevelyan)
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